Rodel Rodis, March 10, 2010
The Bible exhorts Christians to “love the sinner but hate the sin.” We are told to hate sin by refusing to take part in it and by condemning it when we see it. We are taught that sin is not to be excused or taken lightly. We are advised to love the sinner by speaking the truth in a spirit of love and to hate the sin by refusing to condone, ignore or excuse it. But that’s the theory.
For the last five years, especially after the “Hello Garci” tapes exposed the massive cheating in the 2004 presidential elections, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo has been excoriated, vilified and reviled by politicians, media commentators and the Filipino people in poll after poll which rate her the worst president in Philippine history.
But this revulsion has been largely concentrated on her personally with some detractors criticizing her height (“pandak”), her voice and her facial expressions. Last year her critics had a field day denouncing the lavish celebration of her wedding anniversary in
Pres. Arroyo has also been accused of “betrayal of public trust” for approving the National Broadband Network (NBN) telecommunications deal with China's ZTE Corp. that was allegedly overpriced by at least $130-M which was supposed to be divided between First Gentleman Mike Arroyo and former COMELEC chair Jun Abalos as a reward for his role in securing her election victory in the 2004 elections. But the NBN-ZTE deal was scrapped by Pres. Arroyo after it was exposed.
For the last two years, the polls have shown Pres. Arroyo to have a -39% approval rating, a number which is obtained by subtracting the number of people who approve of her from the number of those who disapprove of her.
At his trial, Belle Corporation executives testified that Estrada’s take for facilitating government investments in Belle amounted to $4-M (P189-M pesos) which they paid to Estrada crony Jaime Dichavez who testified that he deposited the money in the bank account of “Jose Velarde” at the Equitable Bank where a bank manager, Clarissa Ocampo, testified that she personally witnessed Estrada sign the name “Jose Velarde” to withdraw those funds from his account.
Despite this overwhelming evidence of his personal corruption, Estrada is still loved by the people who apparently do not have any problem with the fact that 2-B pesos of SSS and GSIS funds have evaporated thanks to him.
Presidential candidate Manny Villar enjoys an even higher favorable rating despite the fact that a majority of his fellow senators have charged him with making the Filipino people suffer a loss in the total amount of P6.22 billion pesos ($129.6-M).
As senator, senate president, and as chair of the Senate’s Finance Committee, whose approval is needed for government funds to be disbursed, Villar caused the Department of Public Works and Highways to build a Las Pinas-Paranaque link highway (C5) that was diverted to pass through 23 subdivisions owned by Villar, substantially increasing the land values of his properties.
Villar also caused the government to pay three times more than the market price to purchase his land for the roads that would pass through his subdivisions.
Another issue raised against Villar concerned the purchase by his company (Northwinds Prime) of 480 hectares of land purportedly owned by Santa Lucia Realty in Norzaragay, Bulacan for 120-M pesos. The property that was purchased turned out to be the ancestral lands of the Dumagat tribe whose title to the 480 hectares had been fraudulently seized in 1944 by
As proof that their candidate believes in the principles of accountability, transparency, integrity and credibility (ATIC), Villar’s defenders cite the fact that Villar has never been convicted of fraud. Of course, neither was Ferdinand Marcos nor, for that matter, was Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. But while Arroyo as a sinner is hated, corruption as a sin is generally tolerated, if not embraced, by supporters of Estrada and Villar.
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by Rodel Rodis, February 24, 2010
In one of CBS reporter Bob Simon's telecasts from the Philippines when he covered the People Power revolution in February of 1986, he said “Often we Americans like to think that we taught Filipinos Democracy, well, tonight, they’re teaching the world.” It was the proudest moment for all Filipinos who suddenly stood ten feet tall in the eyes of the world.
Every Filipino likely recalls where they were when they heard news of the downfall of the Marcos Dictatorship. I recall being in front of the Philippine Consulate demonstrating in solidarity with the people of the Philippines who bravely stood down the Dictator’s tanks at an avenue called Edsa for short. When we heard word of the victory of People Power in Edsa, we headed to Union Square, just a block away from the Consulate, and spontaneously celebrated there. Five years before then, I was with hundreds of Filipinos in Union Square rallying against Marcos when he visited San Francisco and received the keys of the city from then Mayor Dianne Feinstein just right across the street at the St. Francis Hotel.
This Sunday afternoon, February 28, I will be returning to Union Square for a celebration of People Power, the 24th anniversary of the event but the first since Cory Aquino passed away in August of last year. At the rally, we will fondly recall the time when, as Time wrote, “Filipinos armed to the teeth with rosaries and flowers, / massing in front of tanks, and the tanks stop, and some of the soldiers who were the enemy embracing the people and their flowers.”
As Time correspondent Roger Rosenblatt wrote: “In a short string of remarkable days, a crooked election was held and exposed; a dignified woman established her stature and leadership; a despot ranted, sweated, fled; a palace changed guard--all with a minimum of blood lust and an abundance of determination and common national will. Not since 18th century France have Americans approved so heartily of a rebellion.” But Rosenblatt wasn’t sure if our democracy would last. Quoting from Bertrand Russell, he asked: "If one man offers you democracy and another offers you a bag of grain, at what stage of starvation will you prefer the grain to the vote?"
That is what Filipino voters are being offered today: hope that together they will work to rid the country of corruption and eliminate poverty, or money in exchange for their votes, money derived from corruption. People Power vs. Money Power. Overseas voters, especially those of us in America, cannot generally be enticed with money. So the way to persuade us to support the candidate with money is to destroy the image of the icon of People Power, Cory Aquino. Leading the Villar attack dogs in the US is a veteran PR man based in Washington DC named Adolfo “Ado” Paglinawan who bills himself “The Noble Wolf” in his Filipino Image press releases. As a member of dozens of list serves, he posts as many as 5 hit pieces a day against Noynoy Aquino whom he repetitively derides as “an empty shell”.
In his February 15, 2010 posting (at 11:57 PM), Paglinawan wrote that “investigative writers are now on the hot trail of both Ninoy and Cory whose mythical glass ceiling has been shattered by the autistic recklessness of their son's candidacy. There is now a lead that in exchange for returning to the Lopezes all those allegedly sequestered by Marcos from them, Cory Aquino is now the controlling interest of all those companies, including Meralco and ABSCBN, and new ventures like the North Luzon Expressway Tollroads.” Paglinawan described it initially as just a “lead” but in subsequent postings, he refers to it already as fact, something that even the most rabid PR hacks working for Manny Villar in the Philippines would not stoop so low as to claim because it just wouldn’t be credible. After all, if Cory Aquino had a controlling interest in ABS-CBN, would she allow Willie Revillame to continue to host Wowowee and use the popular program to openly campaign for Manny Villar? But the truth has never been known to stand in the way of Paglinawan’s vulgar propaganda attacks against “autistic” Noynoy. He subscribes to what Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels believed that if you say a big lie often enough, it will be accepted as gospel truth.
One of Paglinawan’s clients, Bongbong Marcos, a senate candidate of Villar’s party, recently described People Power as a “failure” This is not surprising because Villar has promised Bongbong that, as president, he will declare Marcos a hero and restore all his ill-gotten wealth back to his family. Cory and Ninoy are being denigrated while Marcos is being hailed. If Villar wins, then Bongbong may turn out to be right. Those wishing to prove Bongbong wrong are invited to come to Union Square on Sunday at 2 PM to celebrate People Power.
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TWO PHILIPPINES
Rodel Rodis
A check of the Internet search engines for the concept of “two Americas”, will likely direct you to the famous 2004 vice-presidential acceptance speech of John Edwards who declared then that there exists “one America that does the work, another that reaps the reward; one America that pays the taxes, another America that gets the tax breaks; one America - middle-class America - whose needs Washington has long forgotten, another America - narrow-interest America - whose every wish is Washington's command.”
But if you Google the Internet for the equivalent concept of “two Philippines”, you will get nada, zilch, nothing.
And yet this is the only way to truly understand why Senator Noynoy Aquino and Sen. Manny Villar are in a virtual dead heat three months before the May presidential elections according to the results of the Pulse Asia poll survey that was recently released. This is after all a country that toppled a brutal and corrupt dictatorship without firing a single shot through a People Power revolution that inspired the world from South Korea to Romania.
But it is also a country with a deeply imbedded culture of impunity that allows a convicted plunderer the full opportunity to run for president. This is a country that has produced a Gawad Kalinga army of thousands of selfless volunteers all over the Philippines building homes for the homeless in thousands of GK communities which promote health, education and industries that provide income opportunities for their residents. But it is also a country that has 132 private armies at the beck and call of provincial warlords capable of inflicting atrocities on helpless people.
In the 1960s a young politician who was embarking on the national stage observed this “two Philippines” first hand: "Here is a land in which a few are spectacularly rich while the masses remain abjectly poor. . . . Here is a land consecrated to democracy but run by an entrenched plutocracy. Here, too, are a people whose ambitions run high, but whose fulfillment is low and mainly restricted to the self-perpetuating elite.”
The words belong to Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. who later spent nearly eight years in solitary confinement after Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in September of 1972 and imprisoned thousands of his political opponents. There were two Philippines during martial law, in one were those who willingly acquiesced to strongman rule including many who profited from it, and in the other were those who refused to kowtow to the dictatorship including many who resisted it at great personal sacrifice.
One of those who mightily resisted the dictatorship was Ninoy Aquino who refused to participate in the kangaroo court that Marcos had set up to try him on trumped-up charges of subversion. . His refusal, he explained in a letter to his son, Noynoy, “is an act of conscience. It is an act of protest against the structures of injustice that have been imposed upon our hapless countrymen. Futile and puny, as it will surely appear to many, it is my last act of defiance against tyranny and dictatorship.” In that letter to his son, Ninoy wrote that “the only valuable asset I can bequeath to you now is the name you carry. I have tried my best during my years of public service to keep that name untarnished and respected, unmarked by sorry compromises for expediency. I now pass it on to you, as good, I pray, as when my father, your grandfather passed it on to me.” His military captors promised him that if he renounced all opposition to Marcos, he would be freed immediately. But, he told his son, “this I cannot do in conscience. I would rather die on my feet with honor, than live on bended knees in shame.”
Ninoy believed that it only “takes little effort to stop a tyrant. I have no doubt in the ultimate victory of right over wrong, of evil over good, in the awakening of the Filipino.” Ninoy was eventually proved right but it would take 14 years to topple the dictatorship and it had to take his own assassination in 1983 to inspire People Power. Now, 27 years after his father’s assassination, Noynoy Aquino is running for president on the promise to eliminate corruption with the slogan “Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap” (“If there is no corruption, there is no poverty”). But he is running against Sen. Manny Villar, a formidable opponent who has risen from poverty to amass a personal fortune estimated at $940-million (40 billion pesos).
Twelve of his fellow senators charged that Villar earned at least 6.5 billion pesos of that fortune by causing the government to spend billions on a C-5 extension project and an eight-lane Daang Hari highway linking Cavite to Laguna to snake through Villar-owned or controlled corporations to provide ingress and egress for their 23 subdivisions. If he loses the elections, Villar may be required to return billions of pesos back to the government. But if he wins, there will be no refunds. So Villar can spend at least that amount and more to buy the presidency. And he can recoup it all back and more if he wins.
Villar’s wife, the powerful Congresswoman Cynthia Villar, said that the Villars have never lost an election “and we certainly have no intention of losing this one.” They are prepared to spend whatever it takes to secure the presidency. Imagine the spoils of victory. If the Ampatuan warlords can own palatial homes in Davao and Makati and dozens of BMWs and Hummers on just being governor of the second poorest province in the country, how much more when one becomes the president of the Philippines?
At an open forum where someone complained about the obscene amount of money he was spending to buy the presidency, Villar retorted back, “What are you complaining about? It’s my money.”
Is the presidency for sale at an auction? The two Philippines will collide in the May elections. Stark choices – forward to the future or back to the past.
(Please send comments to Rodel50@aol.com or mail them to the Law Offices of Rodel Rodis at 2429 Ocean Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94127. For past columns, log on to Rodel50.blogspot.com).
When Maritess Salientes Bloom, a dual citizen from
There was, after all, no opposition to her petition and the Comelec commissioners who heard her lawyer’s arguments expressed no reservations and actually seemed sympathetic to the plight of overseas Filipinos. Loida Nicolas-Lewis, a
“There will be an en banc hearing of all the Comelec commissioners on Tuesday, January 19, but it is all but certain that the Comelec will extend the voter registration period for overseas Filipinos,” she announced.
I was attending a meeting in
It seemed too good to be true. For the last several months, I have written articles advocating for the extension of the registration period for overseas Filipinos and I had personally e-mailed each of the Comelec commissioners but all my e-mails went unheeded. Not one of them bothered to even give me the time of day.
Then on December 8, 2009, the Philippine Supreme Court (SC) unexpectedly granted the petition of Roberto Palatino to extend the registration period for Philippine voters after his petition was denied by the Comelec. After reviewing the Palatino decision, Loida and I concluded that our best hope for securing the extension of the registration period for overseas Filipinos was with the Supreme Court.
Our Philippine lawyers, headed by Atty. Jose Amor Amorado, informed us that we first had to file a petition with the Comelec, which I was virtually certain the Comelec would reject, before we could take the matter up the SC.
So our lawyers prepared the petition on behalf of Maritess Bloom, an overseas Filipino who had not been able to register before the August 31, 2009 deadline but who wanted to do so. Her petition was filed on January 11, 2010 and the hearing was set for three days later.
At the January 14 hearing, Atty. Amorado argued that the deadline for overseas registration should be extended by 28 days because the Comelec’s August 31, 2009 deadline was 28 days shorter than the deadline set by the Philippine Congress when it approved the Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003 (RA 9189).
The early deadline, Bloom’s petition asserted, “effectively deprived millions of the voting population twenty-eight (28) days of opportunity to register provided to them by the Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003, thereby actually amending the statute’s provision on the system of continuing registration of overseas absentee voters.” The optimism was short-lived.
On January 19, 2010, the Comelec commissioners voted unanimously to reject Bloom’s petition by declaring that the 280 day "prohibitive period" applied only to the 2004 elections because Congress explicitly stated that "for the succeeding elections, the Commission shall provide for the period within which applications must be filed".
What the Comelec failed to comprehend is that when the Philippine Congress passed the Overseas Absentee Voting Law in 2003, it set a 280 day “prohibitive period” because Congress anticipated that it would take a longer time to get the voter registration mechanisms in place for overseas elections as it would be the first time it was being done. After the basic mechanisms were set in place, Congress believed that it would take a considerably shorter time in future elections to register overseas voters so it left it up to the Comelec to set future deadlines. Instead of the shorter period anticipated by Congress, the Comelec went in the opposite direction. The 9-page Comelec decision explained that it would take a longer time for overseas voting because "for the first time, the Commission shall be implementing the nationwide automated election system". But overseas voting will be manually tabulated and not automated so this was totally irrelevant.
To explain why it didn’t have enough time to extend the registration for overseas voters, the Comelec cited examples of what it had to do to prepare for the May 2010 elections like “project precincts”, and "Board of Election Inspectors" and listing the candidates for local elections. But all of these examples don’t apply to overseas absentee voters who can’t vote for local candidates and who don’t require “Inspectors” or “project precincts” as consular officials will supervise the voter registration and the actual voting.
In its decision, the Comelec boasted that it had “done its best in ensuring the success of the overseas absentee voting system” by taking credit for all the actions of the consular officials to register overseas Filipinos with their limited resources without any financial assistance from the Comelec.
The Comelec defensively insisted that it “did not sleep on its job” of registering overseas Filipinos but the commissioners’ loud snores belie this empty claim. They’re all still asleep. In its conclusion, the Comelec stated its duty "to balance the interest of the electorate with the end in view of ensuring that the right of suffrage of our people is not deprived of them." This is the key to understanding the attitude and mentality of the Comelec commissioners towards overseas Filipinos.
By “our people”, the Comelec is really only referring to the Filipino voters in the
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Telltale Signs: PAULI’S DEBUT Rodel E. Rodis, January 20, 2010 My niece, Pauli, was only ten years old when Gene Cajayon’s feature length film, The Debut, was shown in mainstream theatres all over the US in March of 2002. Many years later, when Pauli was in her teens, she saw the movie on DVD about the Filipino American traditional celebration of an 18-year old girl’s debut and it inspired her to celebrate her own debut just the way that her aunts recounted how they celebrated theirs in the Philippines. It’s not a distinctly Filipino tradition of course. “Debut” comes from the word “debuter” which is French for “to lead off” and can be traced back to feudal England where it was the custom of the landed gentry to present their daughters to society when they reached “marriageable age”. When the middle classes began to accumulate large sums of money after the Industrial Revolution, the English aristocrats saw the need to cement their alliances with the new emerging entrepreneurial class by sponsoring their daughters for presentation to the Court of St. James and having their aristocratic sons marry entrepreneurial daughters.
The institution of the Debut eventually made its way to America in 1748 when 59 colonial Philadelphia families held what they called “Dancing Assemblies”, the forerunner of the Debutantes’ Ball that is still popular in the South. In the 1960s, it was the practice of many San Francisco Bay Area Filipino American community organizations like the Pearl of the Orient Club to sponsor annual Cotillion Balls where as many as two dozen Fil-Am debutantes were presented to the public during formal black tie balls. This past three-day weekend, my family and I flew from San Francisco to Boston to trek to the cold, snowing city of Natick, Massachusetts to celebrate Pauli’s debut.
At the request of my sister, Loida, I served as the emcee and in my introductory remarks, I asked how many of the folks gathered there had ever been to a debut or had even heard of one. None of the non-Filipinos, who comprised the majority of the guests, raised their hands. Each of my sisters, in one way or another, celebrated their debuts in the Philippines when they turned 18 but I was unable to attend any of them because they occurred during the period of martial law in the Philippines. I was “exiled” in the US at the time and because of my anti-martial law activism found my way to the “Blacklist” of Ferdinand Marcos, subject to arrest upon setting foot in Manila. So Pauli’s debut would be my first ever. Because so many of Pauli’s guests had never heard of the Filipino Debut tradition, I presented them with a brief history, tracing not only its European origins but also its African essence.
The heart of the Debut tradition is embodied in the ancient African proverb "It takes a village to raise a child." The basic meaning of this proverb from the Igbo and Yoruba regions of Nigeria is that raising a child is a communal effort, the responsibility for which lies not only with the parents but also with the extended family and the entire community. The debut offers the community an opportunity to formally come together to celebrate the achievements of the 18-year old girl and to wish the best of good fortune to the 18-year old woman as she embarks on the journey of her life. A highlight of any Debut is the cotillion waltz where nine couples dance a traditional waltz. What made Pauli’s debut somewhat unique was that the debutante personally choreographed her own Cotillion dance, enlisting 18 of her friends and cousins to commit to several weeks of arduous practice.
After the Cotillion dance comes the traditional presentation of the 18 candles, (or 18 roses in some circles). In Pauli’s debut, friends, relatives and past teachers provided glimpses of her past similar to the popular 1950s TV show “This is your life” as they each lit a candle. Among the candle lighters were Pauli’s soccer and rugby coaches who each expressed their awe of Pauli’s physical prowess on the field while a wrestling coach spoke of her awesome executive abilities as the manager of his 18-man high school wrestling team. Other uncles and aunts shared vignettes of Pauli’s youth and of her guts to fly off to San Francisco by herself to spend several summers with her cousins and of her easy ability to forge friendships anywhere and everywhere.
As her oldest uncle. I expressed my delight at having Pauli spend several summers with my family and allowing my three sons to experience the joy of having a sister around. I also shared some practical lessons I’ve learned in life that I thought Pauli could learn from: 1) Change the oil in your car regularly; it will save you a lot of money later on. 2) Lefty loosey, righty tighty. Turn to the left to loosen it and to the right to tighten it. 3) Never, but never, put any photo on Facebook or any message on Twitter that you don’t want the world to see, because, trust me, they will be seen eventually.
After all 18 candles had been lit, Pauli called on her youngest cousins, Andrea and Ricky, to help her blow out all the candles. After that came the traditional cutting of the cake followed by the very untraditional dancing with her two fathers (Rambu until she was one and Jon for the next 17 years) while 18 years of photos of Pauli were projected on the screen. “Thank you all for making my Debut a truly special night,” Pauli said as the brief program concluded. Then the real bogeying party began.
Many parents who can afford it offer their daughters the choice of either a car or a debut secretly hoping their daughters would pick the less expensive choice, a car. But in the course of one’s life, a girl will have many cars but only one opportunity to have a debut. Welcome to the rest of your life, Pauli.
(Send comments to Rodel50@aol.com or mail them to the Law Offices of Rodel Rodis at 2429 Ocean Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94127.)
Telltale Signs: WHAT DO AL GORE AND MT. PINATUBO HAVE IN COMMON?
Telltale Signs: WHAT DO AL GORE AND MT. PINATUBO HAVE IN COMMON? Rodel Rodis, January 17, 2009 The end of 2009 found Mt. Mayon, in the Southern Luzon province of Albay, on the verge of erupting as molten magma flowed half a mile down from its crater and dark plumes of ashes filled the sky causing the evacuation of more than 20,000 residents in and around the 8,070 ft. volcano. But the feared eruption never came and the villagers returned to their homes.
Many feared that Mt. Mayon would go the way of Mt. Pinatubo which erupted on June 15, 1991 and which was considered the most powerful volcanic eruption in a century. As University of Chicago Prof. Stephen Levitt and New York Times Magazine editor Stephen Dubner describe it in their best-selling book on global cooling, Superfreakonomics, “within two hours of the main blast, sulfuric ash had reached 22 miles into the sky. By the time it was done, Pinatubo had discharged more than 20 million tons of sulfur dioxide into the stratosphere.”
The eruption of Mt. Pinatubo devastated the Central Luzon provinces of Zambales and Pampanga causing the deaths of hundreds and the displacement of thousands of people. It also resulted in the decision by the US government to abandon its military bases in Olongapo (Subic Naval Base) and Angeles (Clark Air Force Base). While the eruption caused severe damage to the rice fields and other crops, it was not a total environmental disaster. “As it turned out,” according to Levitt and Dubner in their book which has already sold 4 million copies, “the stratospheric haze of sulfur dioxide acted like a layer of sunscreen, reducing the amount of solar radiation reaching the earth.
For the next two years, as the haze was settling out, the earth cooled out by an average of nearly one degree Fahrenheit, or .5 degrees Celsius. A single volcanic eruption practically reversed, albeit temporarily, the cumulative global warming of the previous hundred years.” Because of Mt. Pinatubo, Levitt and Dubner concluded that carbon dioxide is not poisonous and not the culprit in global warming. They are joined in this belief by Intellectual Ventures CEO Nathan Myrvhold (former Chief Technology Officer of Microsoft) who agreed with them that “all the heavy-particulate pollution generated seems to have cooled the atmosphere by dimming the sun.”
In their book, they posed these questions: Do the future benefits from cutting emissions outweigh the costs of doing so? Or are we better off waiting to cut emissions later — or even, perhaps, polluting at will and just learning to live in a hotter world?
Their conclusion - found in the book’s most controversial chapter entitled “What do Al Gore and Mt. Pinatubo have in common?”- has been heavily criticized by scientists and economists including New York Times columnist and Nobel Laureat Paul Krugman and the Union of Concerned Scientists. The answer to the question above is that Al Gore and Mt. Pinatubo’s eruption both suggest a way to cool the planet, but with different cost-effective methods.
The authors propose creating a “garden hose to the sky” to duplicate or replicate what Mt. Pinatubo achieved by funneling carbon dioxide directly into the stratosphere just as Mt. Pinatubo did. They believe this is a cheaper more cost-effective way than to cap carbon emissions as Al Gore and virtually all of the world’s leading scientists recommend. The authors do not dispute the reality of global warming. In an interview that was given after the book was released, Dubner clarified their position: “If global warming is a big enough problem to worry about, and we think it is, then the current proposed solutions (primarily carbon mitigation) will be too little and too late to solve the warming problem.
That is a fundamentally different argument than what the carbon activists make. I don't blame them for attacking us: They have a lot at stake. What I'd like readers to walk away with is a better understanding of the scientific complexities of global warming as well as the economic realities — and, most of all, to understand how it would be a good idea to get a seat at the table for some other proposed solutions, including geo-engineering.” Prof. Joe Romm, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) physicist questioned the authors’ enthusiastic embrace of geo-engineering and their dismissal of solar power as an effective tool to lower pollution.
Romm criticized their contention that solar panels are ineffective “because they’re black” and thus generate heat that contributes to rising temperatures. In fact, as Romm points out, most solar panels are blue and the clean energy they generate greatly reduces the need to burn dirty coal or other hydrocarbons.
Their primary source for their belief that “carbon dioxide is not the villain” is Ken Caldeira of the Carnegie Institution Department of Global Ecology but Caldeira disputes the quote attributed to him. According to Caldeira, "carbon dioxide emissions represent a real threat to humans and natural systems, and I fear we may have already dawdled too long.”
The authors of Superfreakonomics endorse the proposal of Myrvhold to create the garden hose to the sky they call “Budyko's Blanket” to reverse global warming at a total cost of $250 million which they contend is much cheaper than the estimated $1.2 trillion that capping carbon emissions would cost.
In response to their proposal, Al Gore responded: "If we don't know enough to stop putting 70 million tons of global-warming pollution into the atmosphere every day, how in God's name can we know enough to precisely counteract that?" The debates continue.
While the people around Mt. Mayon are anxiously waiting to see when, not if, the world’s most perfectly coned volcano will erupt and wreck havoc on their lives, there are people actually hoping that it will erupt just like Mt. Pinatubo did. Bust for the locals but a boon for the globals.
(Please send your comments to Rodel50@aol.com or mail them to the Law Offices of Rodel Rodis at 2429 Ocean Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94127, or call (415) 334-7800).
Intellectual pulse of the time: Gibo, a "pawn" for GMA to be the Prime Minister?
by Granville Ampong for Nevada Examiner, California Examiner and Manila-US Times
Gilberto "Gibo" Teodoro may have just felt his knees stronger than ever as he wields his political clout. He is seen by many as the "most competent and most intelligent" of all the presidential candidates vying in the race to succeed President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) and to inherit the task of fighting poverty and the insurgency and pushing the country's economic development.
And, Mark Melliger, a political analyst from Washington, D.C. who happens to sit down with this writer at the Starbucks in Santa Monica last Thursday, believes Gibo "has the most impeccable record and executive skills to run the Philippines especially in this time of economic turmoil".
Gibo, a Harvard Law School graduate for his Master of Laws in 1997 who was also admitted to the State Bar of New York in the same year and whose three terms in office in the first district of Tarlac as Congressman, "rendered him a blameless scroll, notwithstanding his immaculate performance as the Secretary of the Department of National Defense", according to Melliger, a former Political Science Professor at the University of Michigan.
"His academic prowess makes him a likable figure to the young generations and would make himself a "good case" for a stronger representation of the Philippines in the international relations, suggesting that the formidable task at hand for a president is to be able to convey the interests of the Philippine government in the light of the United Nations and the United States of America."
Melliger, a Harvard lawyer, sees the paradigm shift coming off in an international perspective.
"What I see for a modern Philippines to develop is elect a presidential candidate who has the required intelligence and charisma to keep its steering wheel on the right direction," he adds.
But, the question is: Is it not Gibo a "pawn" for GMA to be the Prime Minister?
Many observers keep their heads high as that potential shift is easing without reluctance. Once GMA, who has ended months of speculation and has filed his certificate of candidacy for congressional seat of Pampanga's second district, gets elected, the House Speakership is not far from her grab. It's going to be her trophy from the Malacanang Palace. Charter change will have its way.
Yes, even more faster on its take to both Congress and the Senate than what was believed since the time of the Ramos administration.
Our recent experience with the Arroyo administration teaches us that change merely whets the appetite for more change, that reform in one sphere calls for reform in others, which in this case can become a good study of what platform of government Gibo is heading in the years ahead once he gets elected.
As we search for the better pages of the Philippine history, we can sense the cries of a non-violent revolution are calling for sobriety and calmness. It's a kind of intellectualism that fits the era of a gradual and less swift change in the hearts of the Filipinos who have been seeking for a better governance.
Mellinger has his points. Indeed, we rather seek for them than just mere emotionalism.
Whether or not Gibo is a "pawn" for GMA to become a Prime Minister, we must decide whether we should be the masters or victims of change.
Telltale Signs/ FIRST FILIPINOS TO SET FOOT IN
by Rodel Rodis
Almost a century after Christopher Columbus stumbled upon the
In fact, de Unamuno’s historic voyage has been largely ignored by historians and is only commemorated by the Filipino American community and only because de Unamuno reported in his ship’s log that his crew was composed of “Luzon Indios”.
This historical fact was revealed in Henry R. Wagner’s Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast of America in the Sixteenth Century which was published by the California Historical Society in
The Spanish interest in finding
Over the next 20 years, Urdaneta’s route was used by more Spanish vessels- mostly
In 1585, Archbishop of Mexico Pedro Moya de Contreras dispatched Spanish Captain Francisco Gali to proceed to Manila from Acapulco and, on his return voyage, “to reconnoiter down the coast” in hopes of finding the land that Urdaneta and others reported sighting.
Archbishop Contreras also instructed Gali not to stop by
The
De Unamuno’s crew on his return trip to
The church authorities in
Despite repeated warnings, de Unamuno disregarded the instructions of the Acapulco Archbishop and the Manila authorities and proceeded to
The Portuguese authorities saw direct Spanish trade with
But de Unamuno and his men were able to elude capture and managed to connect with two Franciscan priests who wanted to return to
With his new ship loaded with Chinese goods purchased with the funds provided by the
En route to
De Unamuno dispatched his Luzon Indios to act as his scouts as he explored the new land. Two days later, on October 20, his crew encountered natives who attacked them. In the battle that ensued, a Spanish soldier and a Luzon Indio were killed, before de Unamuno's crew was able to safely return to their ship.
On October 21, de Unamuno decided to leave and continue on to
After researching navigational maps of
On October 18, 1995, Morro Bay City Mayor William Yates officially dedicated a historical marker to commemorate de Unamuno’s landing. In part, the marker reads: “ A landing party was sent to shore which included ‘Luzon Indios’ marking the first landing of Filipinos in the Continental United States.”
On September 25, 2009, the state of
(This article, in its original form, first appeared in the Op-Ed page of the
Telltale Signs/ DO OFW REMITTANCES PROMOTE ECONOMIC GROWTH?
Rodel Rodis, September 9, 2009
The
Moreover, while the
According to the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the
Though the pace has slowed this year from the almost 10% annual growth rate recorded for the most part of this decade, the final year-end tally will likely be higher because November-December figures show a rise during the holidays. It should be noted that the BSP figures only take into account those money flows which go through the formal channels – i.e., money which flow through banks and non-bank financial institutions engaged in money transfer services.
What would the total figures be if they included the value of goods and services which flow to the
What monetary value can be placed on the hundreds of medical missions conducted by Fil-Am doctors; on those donations to charitable organizations like Books for the Barrios and similar organization which advance Filipino causes; and on those tourists who visit because of the encouragement, whether passive or active, from their Filipino co-workers and friends?
The figure may not also reflect the heavy investment in the hundreds of skyscraper condominium buildings that have sprouted all over Metro Manila that have targeted overseas Filipinos, particularly Filipino Americans, who wish to retire in the
In that year, the official BSP figures only showed total remittances20to be around $7.6B. Applying the rudimentary rules of ratio and proportion, this means that the 2009 figure may be as high as twice the $17-B estimated 2009 figure - $34-B. Or more. Given that the Philippine government’s budget for 2010 is about PHP 1.541 trillion, or roughly about $32-B, this means that after financing the operation of the entire Philippine government for the entire year – e.g., after paying for the services of the President, every government worker serving at her pleasure, every teacher, every soldier, and every Congressman/Senator and all his/her pork barrel projects – the OFW remitters still have a couple of billion dollars of change left. A 2008 research study by two University of British Columbia professors, Dr. Michael A. Goldberg and Dr. Maurice D. Levi, and financed by credit card giant MasterCard, reveals that as a percentage of GDP, remittances account for 13.5% of the Philippine economy and that they have become more substantial than the combined impact of foreign direct investments (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) funds.
The study also found that in large recipient countries like
Further, the study disclosed that “remittances might help investors circumvent the constraints of the financial system to take advantage of high economic returns that are inaccessible to them because of the20lack of credit and savings vehicles. In this case, remittances are more strongly associated with investment and growth when financial development is poor.” But economics is not called “the dismal science” for nothing. For every economist saying “good,” there’s another saying “bad.”
A 2009 International Monetary Fund Working Paper entitled “Do Workers’ Remittances Promote Economic Growth?” postulates that “[t]o the extent that remittance inflows are simple income transfers, recipient households may rationally substitute unearned remittance income for labor income” and that remittances “may be plagued by severe moral hazard problems.”
The children and other dependents of OFWs may choose not to work because the remittances they regularly receive from their OFW parents may be enough to cover their needs. The remittances may also feed their drug habits and vices especially when their parents are not around to personally oversee their conduct and welfare.
The study concludes that “[p]art of the reason why remittances have not spurred economic growth is that they are generally not intended to serve as investments but rather as social insurance to help family members finance the purchase of life’s necessities.”
The study revealed that “there is very little evidence that decades of official transfers have contributed much to the growth of developing economies. Similarly, our findings suggest that decades of private income trans fers—remittances—have contributed little to economic growth in remittance-receiving economies and may have even retarded growth in some.”
According to this study, the most persuasive evidence in support of this finding is “the lack of a single example of a remittances success story: a country in which remittances-led growth contributed significantly to its development.” The IMF study seems to suggest that by helping the poor financially, you are making them worse off and dependent on you.
I suspect that tens of thousands of OFWs who have seen their remittances send their kids through college, finance the purchase of jeepneys and tricycles, and fund the start of sari-sari stores and other small businesses, will disagree with the IMF. =0 A The main flaw of the study is the starting premise that the role of remittances is to promote economic growth. It is undisputed that remittances contribute to the economy, but they are not intended to promote economic growth – only sound government policies can do that. It is high time that the Philippine government be held accountable to the millions of OFWs remitting nonstop year in and year out, crisis or no crisis, always reliably bailing out the government despite the endemic and systemic corruption at its core. That is the goal of the 6th Global Filipino Networking Convention set to take place on January 21-23, 2010 at the Waterfront Hotel in
Since their funds virtually finance annual government operations, their voices should be heard loud and clear.
(Send comments to Rodel50@aol.com or mail them to the Law Offices of Rodel Rodis at
Telltale Signs
Rodel E. Rodis
Of the 195 countries existing in the world, only three do not currently allow for divorce and that number will be further reduced by one next year when Malta officially adopts a divorce law.
This total includes all 53 countries in Africa, 52 out of the 53 in Asia, 47 out of the 48 in Europe, all 13 in South America and all 7 in Central America. Each of these incredibly diverse countries - whether Christian, Muslim or Buddhist, democracy or dictatorship - have adopted some form of divorce law except for the Philippines and Vatican City.
Included among the vast majority of countries is Italy, the home base of Roman Catholicism, which amended its Civil Code on December 1, 1970 to permit the granting of divorces.
Also included is Spain, the country which brought Christianity to the Philippines, which passed a divorce law in 1981. Ireland - the country that has sent more Catholic priests to the Philippines than perhaps any other country - prohibited divorce in its 1937 Constitution but repealed this prohibition in 1995.
All over the world, people and nations have accepted the wisdom and justice of providing for some form of dissolution of a state-sanctioned marriage except understandably for Vatican City, the eternal bastion of total male=20 superiority, which will never need to pass a divorce law for its assorted priests, bishops, cardinals and its Holy Father Pope.
And, inexplicably, for the Philippines, which has had two women presidents and where women comprise the majority of its population.
There it is, in the first article of its Family Code, the Philippine state declares that marriage is an "inviolable social institution, a special contract of permanent union between a man and a woman."
But critics point out that it is a “permanent union” only for the women as the men have had no problems engaging in “unions” with other women. One Philippine senator openly brags about siring 82 children with dozens of women. One former president openly acknowledges his relationships with various mistresses who remain actively involved in his presidential quest.
While divorce is not legal in the Vatican and in the Philippines, both provide for the nullity of marriage. The canonical law of the Vatican provides for ecclesiastical declarations of nullity. The Philippine Family Code has provisions on Declaration of Absolute Nullity, Annulment and Legal Separation which substantially coincide with the Vatican’s canon law provisions on Nullity while the Family Code provision on Legal Separation is essentially the same as the Catholic Church's provision on Canonical Separation. Annulment or nullity refers to a process of invalidating what was previously valid. A legal fiction is created whereby the state officially declares a marriage void “ab initio” - from the beginning.
If the marriage never existed, then there is no need to dissolve it. The grounds for nullity in the Philippines are: minority (a party below 18 even with the consent of parents), lack of authority of the solemnizing officer, absence of a marriage license, bigamous/polygamous marriage, mistaken identity, incestuous marriage and psychological incapacity.
Psychological incapacity, according to one legal authority, “contemplates downright incapacity or inability to take cognizance of and to assume the basic marital obligations; not a mere refusal, neglect or difficulty, much less, ill will, on the part of the errant spouse.”
This “nullity by psychological incapacity” is the Philippine version of divorce. In the United States, the grounds for nullity are all based on conditions that were in existence at the time of the taking of the marital vows=2 0(bigamous marriage, minority, physical incapacity, mental incapacity and fraud).
Divorce, on the other hand, is based on conditions that occur after the marriage.
In the Philippines, married parties were always able to file petitions to have their marriages annulled based on the same pre-existing conditions that are the grounds for nullity in the US. A significant change occurred in the Philippines 1988 where parties were now able to file for nullity based on conditions that occurred after marriage where one errant party has displayed conflicting personality, emotional immaturity, irresponsibility, or has engaged in physical abuse, habitual alcoholism, sexual infidelity or perversion, and abandonment. Or even, in at least one case, “habitual lying.” These are normally grounds for divorce in the United States. More than 21 years later, the practice and procedure for obtaining a “nullity by psychological incapacity” has expanded , even p roviding for instances where the respondent spouse is out of the country or could not otherwise be served with the legal papers by allowing for summons by publication.
While divorce by any other name is still a divorce, in the Philippines, it is only because it came by another name, “nullity by psychological incapacity”, that it exists. How it came into being is a story filled with serendipity and irony.
When Cory Aquino became president on February 26, 1986, after People Power ousted Ferdinand Marcos, she abolished the 1973 Constitution that Marcos enacted by dictatorial fiat and replaced it with the 1986 “Freedom Constitution”. She then appointed 50 commissioners to draft a new constitution that would be presented to the people for ratification in February of 1987.
Under Cory’s “Freedom Constitution,” there were only two branches of government, the Executive and the Judiciary where the power to make laws was vested in the Executive branch.
Cory had three legal advisers, all women, who were concerned about the inequity in cases where Filipino women were divorced by their foreigner husbands who were able to remarry while their Filipino wives could not do so about cases where the Filipino husbands were abusive or otherwise sick in the head.
Cory’s advisers knew that a Congress would never pass such a law that would be favorable to women and which the Church would consider “contrary to Philippine culture and tradition.”
With Cory’s power to enact laws by her decree under the Freedom Constitution about to end, the advisers hurriedly drafted a Family Code which included provisions for this Philippine divorce by another name.
Cory signed it into law on July 6, 1987 before the Philippine Congress was re-established and convened on July 27, 1987.
While officially, the Philippines is the only country aside from Vatican City to not allow for divorce, unofficially, the Philippines is in step with the rest of the world on this issue.
Ironically, this was accomplished by the most devoutly Catholic president the Philippines has ever had.
(Send comments to Rodel50@aol.
Telltale Signs/ PROFESSOR GATES AND ME
Gates is a summa cum laude graduate of Yale, a MacArthur genius grant awardee, a PBS documentarian, the holder of 50 honorary degrees, and one of Time Magazine’s “25 Most Influential Americans” in 1997. But all his honors didn’t mean a thing last week when he was arrested at his Cambridge home by a white police officer who was responding to a possible break-in at his home. The officer had demanded to see identification from Gates who produced his driver’s license and his Harvard ID. The officer seemed to doubt that a black man like Gates could live in that upscale neighborhood.
When Gates demanded to know the officer’s name and badge number, the officer asked him to step out on to the porch. After Gates complied, the officer thanked him and then placed him under arrest for disorderly conduct. The officer later wrote in his police report that Gates had become “belligerent” and had called him a racist. The officer, later identified as Sgt. James Crowley, placed Gates in handcuffs and brought him in a squad car to the police station where his fingerprints and mug shots were taken and where he was locked up for four hours until he was released. Gates disputed the allegations of Crowley’s police report which stated that he was engaged in “a loud and tumultuous behavior”. "That's a joke," Gates said. "It escalated as follows: I kept saying to him, 'What is your name, and what is your badge number?' and he refuse d to respond. I asked him three times, and he refused to respond. And then I said, 'You're not responding because I'm a black man, and you're a white officer.'" Five days after the arrest, the county District Attorney announced that he was dropping all the charges against Gates stating that it was “a just resolution to an unfortunate set of circumstances.’’ When asked about the Gates arrest at his July 22 White House news conference, Pres. Barack Obama said “ I don't know, not having been there and not seeing all the facts, what role race played…But I think it's fair to say, No. 1, any of us would be pretty angry; No. 2, that the Cambridge police acted stupidly in arresting somebody when there was already proof that they were in their own home; and, No. 3 ... that there's a long history in this country of African-Americans and Latinos being stopped by law enforcement disproportion ately.”
Gates will consult his attorney about possibly filing suit against Crowley and the Cambridge Police Department and Prof. Ogletree will likely discourage him from filing the suit after informing him that the police officer may prevail on a claim of “qualified immunity” because of a March 9, 2009 Ninth Circuit decision in the case of “Rodis vs. City and County of San Francisco et al” that is currently on appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Decision's recitation of the facts of that case begins as follows: “On February 17, 2003, Rodel E. Rodis, an attorney and a locally elected public official, entered a drugstore near his office to purchase a few items. He tendered a 1985 series $100 bill, which lacked the security thread, watermarks, microprinting, and other anti-counterfeiting features of current $100 bills…” The cashier used a counterfeit detector pen on the bill which showed it was au thentic but nonetheless called her manager, Dennis Snopikov, for assistance. The manager used the pen again and it yielded the same result but he still called 911 to report a possible use of a counterfeit bill. The first police officer to respond was Sgt. Jeff Barry who knew me from a verbal argument we had a few years before concerning a City College policy not allowing campus police officers to carry firearms on campus. He charged that our policy (I was an elected College Board Trustee at the time) endangered the life of his brother-in-law who was a campus police officer. When Barry stepped into the store and saw that I was the suspect, he chose not to speak with either Snopikov or myself. Instead, he waited for Officer Michelle Liddicoet and another officer to arrive. When Liddicoet arrived and asked him what was going on, Barry pointed to me and told her: “It’s that lawyer. He=2 0hates cops.” Liddicoet then assured Barry, “Don’t worry Sarge, we’ll take care of him.” She then proceeded to arrest me without checking to see if the bill was counterfeit. I was placed in handcuffs behind my back and paraded through the store before other customers and brought by a squad car to the police precinct where I was handcuffed to a bar in a holding cell. After the police officers checked with an official of the US Secret Service who verified that my $100 bill was genuine, I was released. After I sued police officers Barry and Liddicoet for violating my civil rights, they filed a motion for summary judgment claiming that they were entitled to qu alified immunity because they believed the bill was counterfeit. The federal judge denied their motion which the officers appealed directly to the Ninth Circuit before the trial was set to begin. On August 28, 2007, the Ninth Circuit ruled in my favor holding that “arresting Rodis without any evidence he intended to use the bill to defraud the store or that he knew (or believed) the bill was fake was a violation of his Fourth Amendment rights. Further, it was clearly established at the time of the arrest that Defendants’ conduct was unlawful. Thus, both arguments Defendants put forth are without merit” and they were not entitled to qualified immunity. The officers then filed a writ of certiorari to the US Supreme Court which granted the writ on January 29, 2009, vacating the Ninth Circuit decision, and remanding the case for further consideration in light of its recent decision in Pearson v. Callahan. After my case was remanded back to the Ninth Circuit, the judges reversed their earlier decision on March 9, 2009 holding that "Although the arrest was unfortunate, we cannot say that the officers' belief that (the bill) was fake was plainly incompetent... The arrest, therefore, was not clearly established as unlawful."
Instead of viewing the case objectively as they did earlier - whether under the “totality of circumstances” the arrest was reasonable, the judges now applied the subjective test of whether the officers ’ belief that the bill was fake was “plainly incompetent.” Under this new standard, the issue that Prof. Gates would face if Sgt. Crowley claimed qualified immunity is whether Sgt. Crowley’s arrest of him for disorderly conduct was “plainly incompetent”. If it was incompetent but not "plainly" so, then Crowley wins. This new test accords virtual absolute immunity from liability to abusive police officers who use their badges to settle personal scores or show uppity minorities exactly who’s the boss locally, even if the president of the US is Barack Obama. (Send comments to http://us.mc590.mail.yahoo.com/mc/compose?to=Rodel50@aol.com or mail them to the Law Offices of Rodel Rodis at 2429 Ocean Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94127 or call (415) 334-7800. For past columns, log on to: Rodel50.blogspot.com).
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They were all there gathered in front of San Francisco’s City Hall on June 30, 2009, in magnificent solidarity with each other, to protest the exclusion of Filipino non-profits from the $9-M NOFA city fund for disadvantaged families and to specifically urge the City’s Board of Supervisors to include the West Bay Pilipino Multi-Service Center (West Bay) in their July 1 Board meeting to reconsider the funding for non-profits.
Five Filipino South of Market (SOMA) community non-profits led by
Rudy and leaders of the other Filipino non-profits issued a call for support from the Filipino community and the community responded with strategy meetings, online petitions, emails and phone calls directed to the Supervisors and to the Mayor.
Reacting to the public barrage of emails and phone calls, David Carrington Miree, Deputy Director of the Mayor's Office of Neighborhood Services (MONS), disputed the allegation that the Filipino community was not covered by the $9-M NOFA fund. Miree pointed to two agencies - of the 23 recommended for funding- which had included
The Mayor’s deputy wanted the Filipino community to be satisfied with receiving a measly $17,000 out of $9-M? Don’t we pay taxes too?
That’s why the Filipino community solidarity rally was called for the day before the crucial Board vote. Would this unprecedented display of unity by all the various segments of the Filipino community be enough to convince South of Market District Supervisor Chris Daly to fund
Remember the old tale about the crabs who were working furiously to get out of the basket they were dumped into? Aren’t you worried, Supervisor Daly, that those crabs may get out of the basket? “Nah,” Boss Daly would snarl, “those are Filipino crabs! As soon as one of them is about to get out, the others will pull him down. It’s their nature.”
Sure enough, while the solidarity rally was set to take place outside City Hall, Roy Recio, a clerk in the SF Sheriff’s Department who reportedly got his job through Daly, was busy hacking away in his computer (at 2:47 p.m. while still at work) imploring all the members of the Board of Supervisors, as “a San Francisco resident”, to ignore West Bay's plea by asserting that “they do not represent the entire Filipino community” and that “West bay has been ineffective in handling the growing and ever-changing needs of the community.” Sure, especially after his patron Daly cut off its funds and caused the lay-off of 30 West Bay Filipino employees in 2005.
In his email to the Supervisors, Recio charged that “It is strikingly offensive and totally misleading for Mr. Rodis and Mr. Asercion to falsely claim that no Filipino service agency is being recognized for doing solid work in the community when there are many agencies meeting standard grant criteria, routinely meeting outcome goals and providing impactful and dignified services to the community at large.” If Recio had bothered to read anything I wrote or what Rudy said, he would realize that all we charged was no Filipino non-profit was included among the 23 agencies approved for NOFA grant funds. Of course there are numerous Filipino agencies doing solid work in the community, but are any of them getting funded by NOFA?
Baylan Megino immediately responded to Recio by telling the recipients of his email blast that “this isn't about
Recio responded to Baylan’s email by spending the first paragraph of his pithy reply bragging about his many personal accomplishments. “So, this is what I was doing in the last twelve years in the Filipino community mostly as a volunteer,” Recio wrote. “Where were you? I don't intend to sound craps, but until you approach me as an equal than (sic) we probably don't have much to talk about.”
Whether Recio’s email had anything to do with it is uncertain but the Supervisors did not reallocate NOFA funds to
NaFFAA national chair Greg Macabenta sent out a notice to all NaFFAA members and chapters throughout the
(Send comments to Rodel50@aol.
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By Joel C. Atencio
MANILA, June 23 – Malacañang on Tuesday afternoon said resiliency will win over recession. This after Malacañang officials said they were getting tired of so many economic forecasts, the latest of which was that of the World Bank (WB). Malacañang was reacting to a statement of the World Bank, which forecast that the Philippines was heading into a recession. ”“There is no recession. Resiliency will win over recession. We have to move on and move forward instead of paying attention to these economic forecasts,” said Deputy Presidential Spokesman for Economic Affairs Gary Olivar during today’s press briefing at the New Executive Building (NEB) in San Miguel, Manila. Olivar also said Filipinos had to look towards positive times as the Philippine economy goes into a rebound with the help of the remittances of Overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), the ability of the government to rely on the stimulus package and the continuous expansion of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). ”The Philippine economy grew only by 0.4 percent in the first quarter of the year. This makes the International Monetary Fund (IMF) right so far with its last forecast made last May putting the Philippine Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth at zero this year,” Olivar said in the briefing. He said that for the second quarter, only a third of the period or one month remained. Given that nothing much had changed in the second quarter, it might also be safe already to say that the quarter would register a similar performance of almost zero economic growth or flat GDP, Olivar said. The World Bank has warned that the Philippines would slip into recession this year, saying government efforts to stimulate the economy would not be enough to revitalize foreign investments as the global turmoil continued to push businesses to the sidelines. WB has projected that the Philippines would post a 0.5-percent contraction in its gross domestic product this year and thus join its neighboring countries that earlier reported a contraction of their economies. WB said there was nothing extraordinary about the Philippines that would keep it immune from the crisis gripping the world economy, which it projected to contract by 2.9 percent this year. The bank’s forecast on the Philippine economy contradicted with the government’s projection that the economy would escape a recession and grow anywhere between 0.8 and 1.8 percent this year. This would be slower than last year’s actual growth of 4.6 percent, but the government said it would be much better than forecasts for other developing economies. But the Philippines would avoid a recession this year with second-quarter growth expected to outperform the first three months of the year as the government accelerated spending to rev up the economy, Olivar said “We expect things to be better than the first quarter,” Olivar said as he echoed Rolando Tungpalan, deputy director general of the National Economic and Development Authority and also Deputy Presidential Spokesman for Economic Affairs in an earlier statement. Olivar and Tungpalan said barring external shocks, annual growth should gather speed in the second quarter, with government and consumer spending picking up, supported by modest remittance flows. WB, in a report released Monday, said that “for several countries – including Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines – outright recession was anticipated this year. The report, titled “Global Development Finance 2009: Charting a Global Recovery,” said developing countries, including the Philippines and others in the East Asia and the Pacific region, would face steep declines in the inflow of foreign capital this year. Anemic investments will drag down their overall economic growths, it said. WB projected that combined inflows of foreign, private investments into developing economies would be slashed to US$ 3 billion this year, just about half of the US$ 7 billion registered last year when the crisis was punctuated by the failure of several financial giants in the United States and Europe. It noted that last year’s foreign capital inflow to developing nations was already a sharp decline from the US $ 1.2 trillion recorded in 2007. While it noted that banks in the Philippines were less exposed to toxic assets that fueled the recession in industrialized countries, the bank said that developing nations could not avert the spillover effects of the crisis because of their links to the industrialized ones.
Rodel Rodis, June 16, 2009
BOSTON – The most popular misconception about Gawad Kalinga (GK) is that it is just about building homes for the poor, an image that may have been generated by GK’s previously announced goal to build 700,000 homes in 7000 communities throughout the Philippines in 7 years.
But the 800 delegates attending the First GK Global Summit (June 12-14, 2009) at the Cambridge suburb of this city harbor n o such illusions because we learned that GK is more ambitious than that. For three days of plenary sessions at the Cambridge Marriott Hotel and workshops at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and at Harvard University, we heard speakers flesh out the details of GK’s Vision 2024 platform: a 21-year timeline (2003-2024) aimed at “eradicating homelessness, hunger, and poverty for the millions of impoverished Filipino families all over the Philippines.”
Before skeptics scoff at GK’s ambitious agenda, they should visit any one of the more than 2,000 GK villages (200,000 homes) that have been established all over the Philippines from Aparri to Jolo just in the last six years.
These homes were financed by the donations of governmental and non-governmenta l entities, profit and non-profit corporations and individuals in the Philippines and overseas, including thousands of Filipino-American and Filipino-Canadian donors throughout North America. They were built by legions of volunteers and by the homeless squatters themselves who invested their “sweat equity” into the homes they would own and reside in. GK’s founder, Tony Meloto, had often preached that “slum conditions breed slum mentalities” and that to get rid of the slum mentalities, you have to get rid of the slums and replace them with decent housing and more.
To that end, throughout the country, GK has built colorful, durable and secure homes for the poorest of the poor. Its TATAG program provides pathways, drainage systems, water and toilet facilities, a school, a livelihood center, a multi-purpose hall and a clinic. In some GK villages, basketball courts and libraries have also been constructed. Each GK village sets up a SIBOL program for its pre-school children and a SIGA program to provide after-school counseling for its students. GK also provides a LUSOG community health care program for its residents with a clinic staffed by volunteer physicians and paramedical practitioners. Its GAWAD KABUHAYAN program conducts livelihood and skills training, start-up capital and materials for microfinance and micro-enterprises, and assists in the marketing of the products created by the GK communities.
Among the Summit speakers who discussed the GK way of governance were two provincial governors (Luis Raymond Villafuerte, Jr. of Camarines Del Sur; and Sally Lee of Sorsogon), five mayors (Sigfrido Tinga of Taguig, Rizal; Sonia Lorenzo of San Isidro, Nueva Ecija; Tito Sarion of Daet, Camarines Norte; Jojo Binay of Makati; and Rico Rentuza of Guinsaugon, Leyte), two senators (Kiko Pangilinan and Miguel Zubiri) and one vice-president, Noli de Castro.0A O
ne speaker at a GK Harvard workshop, Alex Lacson, used Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore as an example of how an idea can transform a nation. When he became the leader of his country in 1959, Singapore was one of the poorest countries in Asia. Without natural resources, how could Singapore ever hope to become a rich and prosperous country, Lee Kuan Yew asked. “There is only one way, he told his people.
And that is through discipline. Lee Kuan Yew challenged his people that if they learn to become a disciplined people, Singapore will become rich and prosperous.
When Lee Kuan Yew stepped down from power as prime minister of Singapore in 1990, almost 31 years since he rose to power, Singapore was already the second richest and most prosperous country in the whole of Asia, second 0to Japan. He proved to the whole world that a country, through discipline, even without natural resources, could become rich and prosperous.”
The Philippines has abundant natural resources but presents a more formidable challenge with a population of 88 million (compared to Singapore’s 5 million) spread out over 7,108 islands, and a history of colonial and neo-colonial subjugation that has imbedded what James Fallows called a “damaged culture” on its people. “Culture is destiny,” Lee Kuan Yew said. “Your set of beliefs will determine how far you can get in life.” The challenge for GK is to transform the Filipino people’s set of beliefs about themselves, about their innate greatness and goodness as a people and as a nation ca pable of doing anything and everything to improve their lives.
At the core of Gawad Kalinga’s mission is its founder, Tony Meloto, who provides the personal example to GK supporters throughout the world. His ideas and his vision for the Philippines can be found in his newly-released book called “Builder of Dreams”.
In the back of the book is an essay written by Dr. Jose Abueva, founding president of Kalayaan College, who wrote: “At the heart of Tony’s transforming leadership and example and the inspired efforts of his legions of co-leaders, followers and supporters, is his conscious and determined fusion of his religious faith and his secular idealism. He combines God’s teachings to love and help the poor among us with the secular vision20of building a just and humane society in which all enjoy their human rights through good citizenship, good leadership and good governance.” “He demonstrates that through community self-help, cooperation and solidarity, this unity and integrity of faith and practical reason can lead to the transformation of people, communities and leaders from different spheres of life.”
The GK Global Summit was the perfect antidote to anyone in despair about Filipinos and the Philippines. But even those who did not attend the conference can still rid themselves of despair by joining GK and supporting its 2024 vision to transform the Philippines and the Filipino people. Check out http://www.gawadkalinga.org/. (Send comments to Rodel50@aol.com or mail them to the Law Offices of Rodel Rodis at 2429 Ocean Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94127.
Speaking Out MANILA, June 7 -- In last week’s column, I discussed the initial Congressional deliberation on various bills that seek to strengthen the powers of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). The bills, specifically House Bills 6334, 5958 and 174, propose the amendment of Republic Act 7653 or the New Central Bank Act of 1993. The Bangko Sentral considers the following as priority areas -- Strengthening the conduct of the BSP’s monetary policy; Boosting BSP’s supervisory and regulatory capabilities; and Improving BSP’s overall capability to perform other central banking functions. Last week, I discussed proposed measures to strengthen the conduct of monetary policy. In this column, I will tackle the recommended changes in the BSP Charter that would boost the BSP’s supervisory and regulatory capabilities. At the core of these proposals are the need for the BSP to get timely and relevant information on the banks and financial institutions which are under supervision. It is also important to enable the BSP to act effectively and in a timely manner to safeguard the banks and their clients. Need to require prior approval over the transfer of substantial equity shares in banks This is has been one of the legislative advocacies of the Bangko Sentral since the 13th Congress. The recent closure of some local banks, found to have engaged in unsafe and unsound practices, underscores its urgency. The BSP’s role in bank ownership transfers will ensure integrity among bank owners. A stronger BSP, with the power to approve or disapprove the transfer of substantial ownership of banks, could have prevented Legacy group owners from buying ailing rural banks that were eventually used to victimize depositors. In the case of Legacy, not only did the (Celso) De Los Angeles group not seek BSP approval of the acquisition of such banks. The acquisitions were even keep secret! Authority to subject bank owners to the "fit and proper rule" This proposal is corollary to the first. At present, only bank officials, or members of the bank’s management, are subject to the "fit and proper rule" to ensure that they have all the qualifications and none of the disqualifications be in such positions. But even more important are the owners and substantial stockholders as they are the ones who really shape and influence the decisions. Power to issue quick resolution actions This proposal provides the Bangko Sentral with an additional tool to prevent distressed institutions from failing. This would empower the BSP to direct a distressed bank to infuse additional capital within 90 days and failing to do so, BSP can direct the distressed to either merge with another institution or to accept new investors. Under the present law, the matter of additional capital infusion is practically left solely to the decision of the bank owners. As experience has shown, this has led to the eventual collapse of some distressed banks. Ability to impose a higher capital adequacy ratio (CAR) requirement for banks capital adequacy ratio (CAR) is a measure of the amount of a bank's capital expressed as a percentage of its risk weighted credit exposures. It is used as an indicator of a bank’s ability to absorb a reasonable amount of loss. The Bank of International Settlements, the central bank of all central banks all over the world, sets CAR at eight percent. The BSP, on the other hand, requires a higher 10 percent. However, the BSP now sees the wisdom in imposing a higher CAR requirement for banks that take on greater financial risks. These are usually big banks that use and promote more sophisticated products and engage more in non-traditional banking practices. The BSP believes that for these banks, it is not enough to merely comply with the present standards on CAR. Extra steps should be taken to protect and further improve prudential standards for the banking system.
By Ignacio R. Bunye
SPECIAL EDITORIAL FOR MAHARLIKAN TIMESTelltale Signs/ MY RACIAL PROFILE
Rodel Rodis, July 30, 2009
I may have been more prone to emphasize the race aspect of the July 16 arrest of Harvard Prof. Henry Louis Gates by Cambridge Sgt. James Crowley because of my own personal experience. When I was arrested on February 17, 2003 by two white
I expressed this viewpoint after the police had handcuffed me and hauled me off to the police precinct where I remained cuffed to a rail in the holding cell before the officers verified from the US Secret Service that my bill was genuine and released me. In an article that appeared in AsianWeek, I wrote that if this had happened to San Francisco Supervisor (now Mayor) Gavin Newsom, the Walgreens manager would never have called the police and the officers would never have arrested and handcuffed Newsom or taken him to a police station to verify the authenticity of his $100 bill.
Two weeks after my article appeared, I received a phone call from Gavin Newsom who was quite upset. “Rodel, why did you use my name? Do you have an axe to grind against me?” he asked. “No, Gavin”, I replied, “I only used your name to emphasize a point. If I had used some other white elected official who wasn’t as well known as an example, it wouldn’t have been as effective.”
Newsom then told me it was “ironic” that I picked him because “what happened to you happened to me”. Shocked, I asked him what happened. Newsom then related an incident that occurred when he was still in the private sector when he brought the daily earnings of his restaurant (Balboa Café) to the bank to deposit. He said the teller began counting the money and applied a counterfeit detector pen to a $100 bill which she found suspicious. The result confirmed that it was fake – unlike in my case where the pen applied by both the Walgreens cashier and manager showed that my $100 bill was genuine.
“So what happened next?” I asked Newsom. “Well, she returned the $100 bill to me and told me to be careful next time,” he answered.
“Gavin, what happened to you didn’t happen to me. If it had been me, she would have called the cops!” I told him. That was precisely the point I was making in my article and Newsom had just confirmed it.
In my 2003 Walgreens incident, Sgt. Jeff Barry, the police officer who was the first to respond to the 911 call, immediately recognized me because our sons were classmates in a parochial school and because of an argument we had about a City College policy (I was then an elected City College Trustee) of not allowing campus police to carry their firearms on campus which, he said, posed a risk to his brother-in-law who was a campus police officer. Barry was very agitated about the issue and demanded that we change the policy.
Because I didn’t agree with his opinion, Sgt. Barry seized the Walgreens opportunity to provide me with a “teachable moment”.
Although he was the first to arrive at the scene, Sgt. Barry remained at the Walgreens entrance, careful to ensure that I didn’t see him. When Officer Michelle Liddicoet arrived and asked him what was happening, Sgt. Barry told her, pointing to me, “It’s that lawyer. He hates cops.” Liddicoet then replied, “Don’t worry, Sarge. I’ll take care of him.” So she proceeded to arrest me, place me in handcuffs and transport me in the back of a police squad car to the Taraval police station.
I did not learn of Barry’s presence at the scene or of his role in my arrest until I read his name in the police report. Barry wanted to teach me a lesson and so I decided to also teach him a lesson. I sued him and Liddicoet for wrongful arrest and for violating my civil rights.
In his July 27, 2009 New York Times op-ed piece, Randy Cohen encouraged Prof. Gates to sue Sgt. Crowley because “filing suit can be a way to pursue social justice.” As Donna Lieberman of the New York Civil Liberties Union explained, lawsuits can be “an important tool for reform when coupled with advocacy and public education efforts and when the circumstances are conducive to change.”
With that perspective, I had also sued Walgreens and it resulted in Walgreens apologizing to me, firing the manager who called 911, and hiring a long-time Filipino American employee to replace him. My lawsuit against the San Francisco Police Department resulted in a major clarification of police departmental policy - officers could no longer arrest suspects who possess suspected counterfeit currency unless there was some probable cause to believe that the suspect was aware that the currency was counterfeit.
My case against Barry and Liddicoet has gone up the Ninth Circuit to the US Supreme Court and back down to the Ninth Circuit and up again to the US Supreme Court. It has resulted in two published Ninth Circuit Court opinions on the issue of whether police officers have qualified immunity to be “immune” from civil lawsuits for their abuse of police powers (“Rodis v. City and
The Supreme Court decision on my case will affect the lawsuit of the 72-year old grandmother in
After more than six years of litigation and expending tens of thousands of dollars in legal fees to press a lawsuit against two officers represented by a City Attorney’s office that has spent and can spend hundreds of thousands of dollars of taxpayers’ money to defend the suit, I often wonder who was really taught a lesson.
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